1999 AERC Proceedings

The Politics of Consumer Education Materials Used in Adult Literacy Classrooms

Jennifer A. Sandlin
The University of Georgia

Abstract: This study examined consumer education texts used in adult literacy programs to see how they portray adult literacy students as consumers and the consumer market. It was concluded that the hidden curriculum of the texts promotes reproduction of class inequalities.

For the last 30 years, "life skills" education, and more specifically consumer education, has been considered a viable part of adult literacy education (Lankshear, 1993; Office of Technology Assessment, 1993). Throughout this period, many adult literacy programs offering consumer education have taught a variety of "coping skills" centered around specific "real-life" tasks such as unit pricing and household budgeting, and have operated under the assumption that literacy education can solve the financial problems of adult literacy students through teaching better money-handling behaviors. The dominant message in public rhetoric and mainstream consumer education literature and practice stresses consumer education's positive goals and benefits, and the majority of empirical research on consumer education has sought to determine how participation in consumer education programs affects consumer behavior. The focus of consumer education in adult literacy programs has been on teaching technical skills that create savvy consumers (Fingeret, 1992), which supports the idea that consumer problems lie within individual consumers. A more critical approach sees the problem not as an inability to handle money wisely, but as one of resource scarcity in an increasingly unstable economic climate.

Research based in the critical sociology of education and conducted in K-12 education contexts has examined how the hidden curricula in schools, or "the unstated norms, values and beliefs that are transmitted to students through the underlying structure of meaning in both the formal content as well as the social relations of school and classroom life" (Giroux & Penna, 1979, p. 22), help to reproduce social inequalities (Anyon, 1981; Apple, 1990). While this type of research, which includes critically analyzing curricular materials to explicate implicit ideological messages and assumptions contained in them, has recently begun to have a presence in adult literacy education (Auerbach & Burgess, 1985; Lankshear, 1993; Quigley, 1997; Quigley & Holsinger, 1993; Venema, 1995), similar analyses have been lacking with regard to consumer education curriculum materials that are used in adult literacy classrooms. The purpose of this study was to determine the ways in which consumer education texts used in literacy classrooms portray adult literacy students as consumers, the consumer situations of adult literacy students, and the consumer market within which adult literacy students operate.

I examined 13 lessons about consumer issues that were contained in 5 widely-used adult literacy texts. When analyzing the lessons, I followed Wilson's (1991) strategy, which is based on Marxist literary criticism. This strategy consists of paying attention to three issues: "the type of content" contained in a text, "the form or structure of how that content appears," and "absences or omissions in the text with respect to alternative points of view" (Wilson, 1991, p. 67). Because one of the main purposes of analyzing these documents was to look at the underlying ideologies or the "taken-for-granted" view of the world contained within consumer education texts, it was important to examine not only what information is contained in them and how this information is presented, but also what types of information are left out of the texts. Eagleton (1976) discusses the notion of silence in a text to explain why it is important to look at not only what is contained in a text but also what is missing. He explains that "a work is tied to ideology not so much by what it says as by what it does not say. It is in the significant silences of text, in its gaps and absences, that the presence of ideology can be most positively felt" (1976, p. 34). Thus, because I was interested in examining ideology within the texts, all three areas in the consumer education curricula were looked at. With regard to ideology, I was specifically interested in the taken-for-granted assumptions the texts held about adult learners, what the texts assumed the purpose of consumer education is, and whether the texts upheld or contradicted the current status quo of inequality in the United States, especially with regard to issues of class.

Analysis of the consumer education texts centered around three aspects of the texts: lesson content, lesson form, and textbook ideology.

Lesson Content. The five books in the sample contain a total of thirteen lessons about consumer issues. Of these thirteen lessons, eleven are long lessons, chapters, or units (with 10 or more pages of text), all with sub-headings and multiple activities contained within them. The remaining two lessons are each one page in length and consist of one or two simple exercises each. The topics discussed in the activities include using banks and checking accounts, using credit cards, budgeting, being a "smart shopper," owning a car, and buying insurance. Almost every lesson also contains what is called a "life skills workshop" at the end of the chapter. These "workshops" typically show a picture of some "real world" item like a check, a deposit slip, or a credit card application form, demonstrate how to fill it out, and then ask the reader to fill out a blank one that is also supplied, usually with information that is provided to the student.

Most of the topics covered in the texts fall into the category of "technical skills." The majority of the lessons address practical matters such as how to pay bills, how to plan a budget, how to apply for credit, and how to write a check. A smaller minor theme that showed up in two lessons concerns "consumer advocacy" information. In one lesson this information consists of how to check a credit record to ensure that it contains accurate information, and information about what a credit counselor is. The second lesson that deals with consumer advocacy warns that sometimes businesses who want customers to use credit will give them "the run around."

Lesson Form. Most of the lessons contain a variety of different activities and exercises. The lessons typically open with a reading passage to introduce a topic, and give students suggestions about what to "think about as you read." At the end of the chapter or interspersed between reading passages are activities with questions designed to determine if students are remembering what they are reading, to check comprehension or vocabulary, or to review math or language skills. These activities consist of fill-in-the-blank questions, questions requiring longer (sentence-length) answers, sentence completion exercises, crossword puzzles, and circle-the-answer and vocabulary matching activities. Also included are "thinking and writing" activities in which students are given a statement and asked to think and write about it on the five blank lines given, and fill-in-the-bubble questions in which students are given a question and three or four possible correct answers, and are asked to bubble in a circle next to the correct answer.

Ideologies Within the Materials. Two major themes emerged with regard to ideologies in these textbooks. The first, which I call "halfwit consumers," concerns assumptions about the learners who are using the texts. The second, which after Quigley & Holsinger (1993) I call "happy consciousness," concerns assumptions about society and about the market system within which the students exist.

Halfwit consumers. The first theme captures the general attitude that these texts convey about the people assumed to be reading them. While not every lesson includes this attitude, in general both the content and the forms of the lessons assume that students have had little experience with the real world skills they are teaching, and that without proper guidance students will spend more than they have, go into debt, and make "unwise" consumer decisions.

First, the content of most of the lessons is very basic and starts with the assumption that learners know very little about very simple ideas. For instance, one text explains the concept of a budget in a way that assumes that learners do not already budget their money:

You use your income to pay your expenses. You have two kinds of expenses. They are your needs and your wants. You need food, clothes, and a home. Your wants help you to enjoy life. You may want to go out to eat. You may want to go to concerts and movies. Your budget helps you plan how to spend and save your money. Your budget includes all of your needs. It includes some of the things you want. Your budget can also help you save some money each month. (Life Skills: Money and Consumers, p. 37, Steck-Vaughn, 1994)

Another assumption made by the texts is that the adult learners reading the texts have insatiable consumer appetites. This theme is especially clear in many of the lessons on credit, in which the texts imply that if adult literacy students get a credit card, they are likely to overspend and get "in trouble" if they are not careful. This assumption is clear in this passage:

Buy now and pay later is what credit is all about. Credit allows you to buy things you need even though you don't have the money to pay for them right now. Buying everything from cars to clothes on credit has become a popular way of life in America. "Incredible!" you say. "Where do I sign up?" Slow down. Think first. Remember that credit isn't an invitation to rush out and buy everything you always wanted. Credit carries certain duties with it. Before you get yourself into debt, let's read the fine print and see how credit really works. (Reading for Tomorrow, Bk. 2, p. 84, Steck-Vaughn, 1990)

Finally, most of the texts contain the attitude that the adult learners using the texts are more like children than adults. These texts assume that these "childlike" adults need to be told exactly what to do so that they will act correctly. Many of the reading passages in the texts give advice or admonishment to students about making sure they behave properly with regard to money. For instance, one text admonishes:

Your budget can help you pay your bills. When you plan your budget, think about the bills you need to pay. Then set aside money for these bills. Keep the money for paying bills in a savings account or in a checking account. You can move money from your savings account into your checking account when you need to pay bills. (Life Skills: Money and Consumers, p. 46, Steck-Vaughn, 1994)

Many of these books, which are written expressly for an adult audience, almost completely disregard the fact that most adults are fully functional in the world and have a great deal of life experience and knowledge of how the world works, despite having little formal education. The forms of the texts and activities reinforce the message that adult learners have little background knowledge and little to contribute, because while some of the questions are designed to allow learners to write their own sentences, the majority provide all of the information that is needed to answer the question "correctly," and they simply ask the learner to choose the right answer. This creates passive learners and promotes the idea that knowledge does not come from within and is not created, but rather is given and regurgitated. In sum, these lessons generally view adult learners as people who have little prior knowledge and who know little about consumer issues. The lessons offer technical information but also advice about how to be a good consumer and admonishment about what might happen if learners do not follow the texts' rules. Not every lesson includes these types of attitudes, however, and the two lessons discussed earlier that contain consumer advocacy information are also more respectful of students' life experience and knowledge, and do not project this "halfwit consumer" attitude to the extent that the majority of the other lessons do.

Happy consciousness. A second major theme concerns assumptions about society and the market system within which learners exist. Quigley & Holsinger (1993) state that happy consciousness exists when "the established social system is considered rational and . . . is understood . . . to provide people with satisfying lives" (p. 25). They further explain that happy consciousness is "reflected in a blind acceptance of the order of things" and is "the complete absence of critical thought" (p. 25).

This theme of happy consciousness emerged in many of the lessons. The texts promote the idea that banks and other institutions exist primarily to provide services to customers, that they are fair, and that lenders are benevolent and will help customers who get into trouble. For instance, one text discusses the many services that banks provide, and encourages learners to shop around for a bank that is convenient and that provides the best services for the best price:

Not all banks are the same. They pay different amounts of interest for different kinds of accounts. Look for a bank that pays higher interest on savings accounts. You also want a bank that charges less money for other services. What else do you look for when you choose a bank? You may want a bank that is near your home or your job. You may want a bank that is open on Saturdays. Many banks also stay open late at least one night each week . . . Savings accounts are one type of bank service. Banks provide many different services. These services help you save and borrow money. They allow you to write checks and protect important papers. Visit banks to learn about the services that can help you. (Life Skills: Money and Consumers, pp. 9-10, Steck-Vaughn, 1994)

This text leaves out the fact that in many low-income neighborhoods the only banking services available to banking customers are ATM machines. It also ignores the fact that banks operate on a profit motive and that it has become increasingly unprofitable for banks to keep branches in low-income neighborhoods. As a result bank branches have been closing, making it increasingly difficult for poorer customers to have access to banking services. It is hard to comparison shop for competitive rates and convenient hours when there are no banks in your neighborhood! Federal Reserve Bank surveys have shown that the percentage of households in the poorest quintile who have banking accounts dropped over 11 percent between 1977 and 1989 (Jacobson, 1995). Much of this drop was a direct result of financial deregulation in the 1980s, which allowed banks to close unprofitable branches in low-income neighborhoods without approval. To further exacerbate the problem of accessibility, checking account fees rose throughout this period, along with minimum deposit amounts (Caskey, 1994; Jacobson, 1995).

Many of the texts that discuss credit and credit cards assume that anyone who applies for a credit card or a loan can receive one. In fact, these lessons hardly entertain the idea that an applicant could be denied. For instance, one lesson states

How can you get a credit card? You must be eighteen years old. First, fill out a credit card application. The Life Skills Workshop on page 32 shows you how to do this. After you have filled out the application, mail it to the address on the form. Then wait a few weeks. During that time the credit card company will check the information on your application. The company wants to be sure you will be able to pay your credit card bills. (Life Skills: Money and Consumers, p. 28, Steck-Vaughn, 1994)

This text does not mention that a significant percent of people who apply for loans and credit are denied, and ignores the fact that minorities are more likely to be denied loans by banks than Whites. A study by the Federal Reserve bank of Boston found that even when African American and Latino loan-seekers had the same financial characteristics as White loan-seekers, they were 56% more likely to be denied a mortgage (Folbre, 1995).

Many of the lessons also promote the idea that lending institutions are understanding and eager to help people who have fallen behind in their payments. For instance, one text states

Ten years ago, after Fred Johnson enlisted in the military, he had trouble meeting his credit obligations. His father was in the hospital with a severe injury, and Fred faced huge hospital and doctor bills. Fortunately, Fred didn't try to conceal the problem. He notified his creditors right away. He told them why he was having financial problems. The creditors understood Fred's situation. They were willing to let Fred adapt his payment plan so he could meet his obligations. Because Fred didn't wait until he was months behind in his payments, the lenders believed his story. Fred got in touch with a debt counselor to get professional help with his problem. The counselor informed Fred of his credit rights. Together they cleaned up his bad credit record. (Reading for Tomorrow, Bk. 2, p. 91, Steck-Vaughn, 1990)

This text assumes that lenders are willing to cooperate with customers, and leaves out the harsh realities of repossessed good, foreclosed homes, and ruined credit records that prevent many people from obtaining bank accounts and future credit.

Not all of the lessons assume that businesses and the consumer market always help the consumer, but even in the few lessons in which characters encounter money problems, the situations are resolved in favor of the characters. Thus, even these lessons leave you with the "happily ever after" feeling, which is a characteristic of "happy consciousness." For instance, two lessons present stories about a couple that are in the process of looking for furniture. These stories portray the consumers as smart and critical, and portray the salespeople as tricky and untrustworthy. In these two stories, the consumers are active, question authority, and do not assume they are being treated fairly. But even though these stories question business practices and expose the exploitation that some businesses participate in, in the end the stories are cheerily resolved and have happy endings. This can be seen in the excerpt below:

Star and Ray looked some more. They didn't find any furniture that day. It took two months before they once again saw some bedroom furniture they wanted. It was at the Holiday Home Furniture Company. By then they had saved a little more money, and they could afford to put more money down. They could pay a bit more every month, so the bill would be paid sooner. "I feel much better about this," said Star. "We are buying from a store with a good name, and we will be paying bills we can afford. I think we got a fine bedroom set, too." (Reading for Today, Bk. 5, p. 11, Steck-Vaughn, 1987)

The results of this study show that in several ways these consumer education textbooks operate, through hidden curriculum and ideologies promoting unquestioning acceptance of the present system, to reproduce class inequality in this country. They assume learners have no prior knowledge and thus keep instruction and the discussion of issues on a very technical and practical level. This promotes the ideology that if consumers learn enough about how to manage their money, they will have happy and successful lives. These texts also promote the myth of meritocracy; that is, if learners work hard, are more careful with their money, and save money, they will be able to be middle class just like all of the rest of us. This, of course, is not true; the only way in an advanced capitalist system like ours that some people can be wealthy is if others are not. Teaching learners, many of whom surely know these things, how to better handle money will not allow them to become "successful." The discussion in the texts stays at a practical and technical level and never steps back to consider the larger context within which students are living. These textbooks naturalize the status quo and fail to question whether or not our social and economic systems are the best ones we can imagine. The lessons present happy and satisfied consumers who have learned to save or have learned to get a bargain at the grocery store, and do not discuss the ways in which the market fails people - for instance, how some people cannot find banks in their neighborhoods because banks have been closing branches in low-income neighborhoods, how some people cannot get accounts at banks, or how many grocery stores in low-income neighborhoods charge more for the same items than in suburban stores because of low demand and high cost of operation. These books portray characters who have jobs, work hard, and are rewarded, thus also reproducing the myth that everyone who works hard and wants to succeed financially actually can. All of this promotes an ideology that works in favor of those in power. Education that focuses on helping people with low incomes simply manage their money better and that does not address structural problems inherent in our market system places blame for personal economic situations wholly on the individual and ignores the structural systems that create these economic situations in the first place.

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